Rishi Sunak MP calls for the Government to back the creation of a new exchange for SME bonds aimed at everyday savers.Read More
It is now a little more than a year since the first woman ever to lead a British political party led the Conservatives to a remarkable election victory, becoming in the process the first woman Prime Minister of any western democracy.
In his major work of scientific historiography, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Thomas S Kuhn argues that scientific progress is not a linear, ever-upwards process in which the more valid theories replaced the less so in an objective, open-minded fashion.
As you’ll see soon enough what we to say carries no special authority. I’ve been selling my work for nearly thirty years and living off it for over fifteen.
‘Much of our population lives without heroes, as it dies without religion’. Professor Thomas;s powerful plea for restored pride in our past based on understanding of its greatness and its unique qualities, is a reminder that a whole generation has brought up to misunderstand and denigrate our national history.
Public discussion and academic analysis of government intervention in industry both tend, inevitably, to focus on its more overt forms, such as nationalisation and price and wage controls.
It has become part of contemporary political folklore that a restrictive and divisive class system, almost a caste system, is the bane of this country. The system is supposed to be a major barrier to economic progress in Britain and also a significant source of justified social discontent.
I seek common ground today in pursuit of a common objective: a substantial and lasting improvement in the bleak prospects for employment. Members of all parties demand an improvement. But rhetoric and sympathy will not help to create jobs or generate growth.
The term “monetarism” has been much used in the last three or four years – sometimes as a clarion call for action to improve economic policy, but often an epithet of abuse.
One of the main reasons I took up the study of economic problems was indignation at the absurdity of unsatisfied wants side by side with idle hands willing to work which I believed existed before the Second World War.
A lengthy and influential report drawn up in November 1977 which set out a model for systematic policy-making, and, crucially, raised in unavoidable form the question of whether a Conservative Government could possibly succeed unless policies towards the unions were changed.
There is one outstanding difference, of which most Britons are unaware, between the ways in which they and all other European Countries educate their young.
British politicians have become increasingly unpredictable over the past generation. It now seems scarcely conceivable that the post-war Attlee administration did not lose a single by-election.
Since 1969 the Central Statistical Office’s publication, Economic Trends, has included a series of annual articles entitled ‘International comparisons of taxes and social security contributions’.
It was said of Hegel that he set out his philosophy with such obscurity that people finished by thinking it profound. A similar accusation could well be levelled at John Kenneth Galbraith
This study was written at a time when the economy was making a half-hearted recovery from a deep recession. The Government appeared in 1976 to have abandoned post-war neo-Keynesian economic policies, in that official policy was not directed primarily to resorting full employment in the short term, but rather to regaining internal and external equilibrium and particularly to curbing further the rate of price inflation, which was still running at about 15 per cent.